Saturday, September 2, 2017
AICPIN for July increased by 5 points – What is the impact on DA from January 2018
To the surprise of many , the AICPIN for the month of July increased by 5 points. This will definitely have a positive impact on DA hike from January 2018 .
No. 5/1/2017-CPI
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
MINISTRY OF LABOUR & EMPLOYMENT
LABOUR BUREAU
`CLEREMONT’, SHIMLA-171004
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
MINISTRY OF LABOUR & EMPLOYMENT
LABOUR BUREAU
`CLEREMONT’, SHIMLA-171004
DATED: 31st August, 2017
Press Release
Consumer Price Index for Industrial Workers (CPI-IW) — July 2017
The All-India CPI-IW for July, 2017 increased by 5 points and pegged
at 285 (two hundred and eighty five). In terms of monthly change, it
increased by (+) 1.79 per cent between June, 2017 and July, 2017 when
compared with the increase of (+) 1.08 per cent for the corresponding
months of last year.
The maximum upward pressure to the change in current index came from Food group contributing (+) 3.12 percentage points to the total change. The House Rent index further accentuated the overall index by (+) 0.70 percentage points. At item level, Rice, Pure Ghee, Chillies (Green), Onion, Bitter Gourd, Brinjal, Gourd, Lady’s Finger, Palak, Parwal, Potato, Pumpkin, Tomato, Torai, Banana, Cucumber, Mango, Tea (Readymade), Bidi, Cooking Gas, Kerosene Oil, etc. are responsible for the increase in index. However, this increase was checked by Wheat, Arhar Dal, Masur Dal, Urd Dal, Coconut Oil, Mustard Oil, Poultry (Chicken), Coconut, Lemon, Petrol, etc., putting downward pressure on the index.
The year-on-year inflation measured by monthly CPI-IW stood at 1.79 per cent for July, 2017 as compared to 1.08 per cent for the previous month and 6.46 per cent during the corresponding month of the previous year. Similarly, the Food inflation stood at (-) 0.32 per cent against (-) 1.28 per cent of the previous month and 9.34 per cent during the corresponding month of the previous year.
At centre level, Jamshedpur reported the maximum increase of 12 points followed by Delhi and Ranchi-Hatia (11 points each), Raniganj and Jaipur (10 points each) and Varanasi and Amritsar (9 points each). Among others, 8 points increase was observed in 2 centres, 7 points in 7 centres, 6 points in 7 centres, 5 points in 11 centres, 4 points in 10 centres, 3 points in 13 centres, 2 points in 9 centres and 1 point in 5 centres. On the contrary, Goa recorded a decrease of 1 point. Rest of the 6 centres’ indices remained stationary.
The indices of 34 centres are above All-India Index and 42 centres’ indices are below national average. The indices of Amritsar and Lucknow centres remained at par with All-India Index.
The next issue of CPI-IW for the month of August, 2017 will be released on Friday, 29th September, 2017. The same will also be available on the office website www.labourbureaunew.gov.in.
The maximum upward pressure to the change in current index came from Food group contributing (+) 3.12 percentage points to the total change. The House Rent index further accentuated the overall index by (+) 0.70 percentage points. At item level, Rice, Pure Ghee, Chillies (Green), Onion, Bitter Gourd, Brinjal, Gourd, Lady’s Finger, Palak, Parwal, Potato, Pumpkin, Tomato, Torai, Banana, Cucumber, Mango, Tea (Readymade), Bidi, Cooking Gas, Kerosene Oil, etc. are responsible for the increase in index. However, this increase was checked by Wheat, Arhar Dal, Masur Dal, Urd Dal, Coconut Oil, Mustard Oil, Poultry (Chicken), Coconut, Lemon, Petrol, etc., putting downward pressure on the index.
The year-on-year inflation measured by monthly CPI-IW stood at 1.79 per cent for July, 2017 as compared to 1.08 per cent for the previous month and 6.46 per cent during the corresponding month of the previous year. Similarly, the Food inflation stood at (-) 0.32 per cent against (-) 1.28 per cent of the previous month and 9.34 per cent during the corresponding month of the previous year.
At centre level, Jamshedpur reported the maximum increase of 12 points followed by Delhi and Ranchi-Hatia (11 points each), Raniganj and Jaipur (10 points each) and Varanasi and Amritsar (9 points each). Among others, 8 points increase was observed in 2 centres, 7 points in 7 centres, 6 points in 7 centres, 5 points in 11 centres, 4 points in 10 centres, 3 points in 13 centres, 2 points in 9 centres and 1 point in 5 centres. On the contrary, Goa recorded a decrease of 1 point. Rest of the 6 centres’ indices remained stationary.
The indices of 34 centres are above All-India Index and 42 centres’ indices are below national average. The indices of Amritsar and Lucknow centres remained at par with All-India Index.
The next issue of CPI-IW for the month of August, 2017 will be released on Friday, 29th September, 2017. The same will also be available on the office website www.labourbureaunew.gov.in.
(SHYAM SINGH NEGI)
DEPUTY DIRECTOR GENERAL
DEPUTY DIRECTOR GENERAL
Modi had made an emotional pitch on demonetisation – “Give me 50 days, then punish me if I am wrong” – which was the lead story in all newspapers. Today who remembers that?
Narendra Modi has learnt never to engage with his opponents; he sets
the agenda and a hapless opposition and media try to keep up.
APCO Worldwide, a transnational public relations company, had their
most apt pupil in then Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi. The one
thing Modi learnt was never to engage with his opponents on issues they
want to talk about. He sets the agenda and a hapless opposition and
media try to keep up. Demonetisation was a Modi-made disaster. Yet the
disaster only served to propel Modi to greater electoral heights, and
today, as he towers over a clueless opposition, even the return of 99% of the extinguished notes does not change the narrative of one man’s fight against corruption.
Modi had made an emotional pitch on demonetisation – “Give me 50 days, then punish me if I am wrong” – which was the lead story in all newspapers. Today who remembers that? Modi has moved on from “acche din” to “new India” and, like the Pied Piper, carried a mesmerised UP electorate with him. He swept the UP assembly, anointed Adityanath as chief minister and could not care less about what the opposition and media will now say.
Former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had called demonetisation “an organised loot and legalised plunder”, and the venerable economist had a point. Modi, however, used demonetisation as a chance to reinvent himself as a “messiah of the poor”. The only jibe that struck home was Rahul Gandhi’s comment of a “suit boot ki sarkar” after Modi aired his Holland and Sherry Rs 10 lakh suit (with his name pinstriped on it) in his meeting with former US President Barack Obama.
The suit was auctioned off; the godmen and friends of the BJP are still present and in action; yet, with the demonetisation gamble, Modi achieved his aim.
Modi and his closest aide, Amit Shah, are a ruthless-election winning combine. They give no quarter and expect none. No niceties of politics are maintained and the BJP has been transformed into a formidable election-fighting machine, modelled from the booth level upwards on the Congress of the 1950s. Modi himself is on 24/7 campaign mode. Consider this: until the Gujarat election later this year, he will make weekly trips to the state.
A senior member of the cabinet told me, “We are quiet in cabinet but occasionally the prime minister scoffs at the media. The opposition is never discussed as they have become irrelevant”.
Modi has an utter mistrust and dislike of the media. Both he and Shah are gleeful about pulling off spectacular surprises that the media have no idea of. Yet Modi, through a senior minister, maintains tight control of what is being covered and likes to manage headlines. Remember Modi mockingly holding forth that “hard work, not Harvard” is his core belief? So while articles will be written on the the disaster of demonetisation and social media will be awash with how the economy was torpedoed, Modi could not care less. As the Left’s Sitaram Yechury, who studied economics, and Congress’s P. Chidambaram, who served as India’s finance minister, pick holes in the figures, Modi has got away unscathed.
Modi has simply changed the agenda and the narrative. It’s the opposition’s problem that they cannot pin him down. “How do you hold a hologram to account?” says a senior Congress leader in frustration.
Modi had made an emotional pitch on demonetisation – “Give me 50 days, then punish me if I am wrong” – which was the lead story in all newspapers. Today who remembers that? Modi has moved on from “acche din” to “new India” and, like the Pied Piper, carried a mesmerised UP electorate with him. He swept the UP assembly, anointed Adityanath as chief minister and could not care less about what the opposition and media will now say.
Former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had called demonetisation “an organised loot and legalised plunder”, and the venerable economist had a point. Modi, however, used demonetisation as a chance to reinvent himself as a “messiah of the poor”. The only jibe that struck home was Rahul Gandhi’s comment of a “suit boot ki sarkar” after Modi aired his Holland and Sherry Rs 10 lakh suit (with his name pinstriped on it) in his meeting with former US President Barack Obama.
The suit was auctioned off; the godmen and friends of the BJP are still present and in action; yet, with the demonetisation gamble, Modi achieved his aim.
Modi and his closest aide, Amit Shah, are a ruthless-election winning combine. They give no quarter and expect none. No niceties of politics are maintained and the BJP has been transformed into a formidable election-fighting machine, modelled from the booth level upwards on the Congress of the 1950s. Modi himself is on 24/7 campaign mode. Consider this: until the Gujarat election later this year, he will make weekly trips to the state.
A senior member of the cabinet told me, “We are quiet in cabinet but occasionally the prime minister scoffs at the media. The opposition is never discussed as they have become irrelevant”.
Modi has an utter mistrust and dislike of the media. Both he and Shah are gleeful about pulling off spectacular surprises that the media have no idea of. Yet Modi, through a senior minister, maintains tight control of what is being covered and likes to manage headlines. Remember Modi mockingly holding forth that “hard work, not Harvard” is his core belief? So while articles will be written on the the disaster of demonetisation and social media will be awash with how the economy was torpedoed, Modi could not care less. As the Left’s Sitaram Yechury, who studied economics, and Congress’s P. Chidambaram, who served as India’s finance minister, pick holes in the figures, Modi has got away unscathed.
Modi has simply changed the agenda and the narrative. It’s the opposition’s problem that they cannot pin him down. “How do you hold a hologram to account?” says a senior Congress leader in frustration.
Also read: Despite the Spin, Demonetisation Simply Wasn’t Worth the Time or Effort
And, as APCO Worldwide demonstrated with the Modi hologram during his
2014 campaign, Modi is all things to all people. But the only thing
Modi cares about, as do most incredibly successful politicians, is
winning power and holding it.
Consider this from the polarising campaign of his first Gujarat term post the 2002 riots, when he went on a “gaurav yatra“. That’s when he used his “hum paanch hamarey pachees” jibe against Muslims, called relief camps “baby-producing machines” and took on “mian Musharraf”. Post winning and punting for a second term, he changed the story to Gujarati asmita (pride) and the Gujarat model of development.
Modi as a shape shifter was evident in his promises of “good governance” in 2014. Now, with elections coming up in two years, there is no talk of governance; instead ritual attacks are made on triple talaq. The opposition and media scramble to present facts – such as that the Reserve Bank of India has lost all its credibility as an autonomous institution post demonetisation – but facts don’t matter, Modi has already skated away.
The opposition needs to get its act together and actually play a real role in pinning down the government. But it’s up against Modi, who controls the story and then ensures he spins it the way he wants. So expect more spin as more elections are coming up. The only thing that is certain is that Modi has an gargantuan appetite for winning them. Inconvenient facts be damned.
Source: The wire
Consider this from the polarising campaign of his first Gujarat term post the 2002 riots, when he went on a “gaurav yatra“. That’s when he used his “hum paanch hamarey pachees” jibe against Muslims, called relief camps “baby-producing machines” and took on “mian Musharraf”. Post winning and punting for a second term, he changed the story to Gujarati asmita (pride) and the Gujarat model of development.
Modi as a shape shifter was evident in his promises of “good governance” in 2014. Now, with elections coming up in two years, there is no talk of governance; instead ritual attacks are made on triple talaq. The opposition and media scramble to present facts – such as that the Reserve Bank of India has lost all its credibility as an autonomous institution post demonetisation – but facts don’t matter, Modi has already skated away.
The opposition needs to get its act together and actually play a real role in pinning down the government. But it’s up against Modi, who controls the story and then ensures he spins it the way he wants. So expect more spin as more elections are coming up. The only thing that is certain is that Modi has an gargantuan appetite for winning them. Inconvenient facts be damned.
Source: The wire
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